The Lawrence Strike

Thesis

The account of Lawrence Strike is the most credible in the part of employees who were the recent immigrants mostly. The reason was the maximum number of workers reduced in terms of working hours per week from 56 to 54 for women and children by the new law of Massachusetts. When the employees discovered this, they feared their weekly pay would decrease like their working hours. This happened when Polish women weavers at Everett Cotton Mills realized that their employer had reduced their pay by 32; they left the mill, shouting “short pay!” (Vorse 4). Workers in all other mills joined them the following day and led the strike of more than twenty thousand ones.

The findings show clearly that death rate of the workers was very high indicating a number of thirty six people out of one hundred, who died during that time, and they were not more than twenty five years old (Vorse 7). On the same, one mill owner’s decision-making led to the lesser wage resulted from the new low shortening in working hours per week which led to the pointed effect. Before the strike, the conditions had even become worse, due to the workers in textile mill, which made their labor to be repetitive and dangerous. The workers in Lawrence lived in the crowded areas and their living conditions were very dangerous.

Lawrence Strike According to Vorse

According to Vorse, a very disappointing situation happened during Lawrence Strike when Brien accompanied her to go and visit Lawrence strikers’ children in their temporary buildings of the grand central station. They had been looking for their homes in the past few weeks. After a long waiting time, the train failed to appear and then they all got restless together with other people who were carrying banners (Vorse 12). All over sudden the workers started milling around because the children were nowhere to be found, and thus everybody had tension. Vorse’s point of view is – the mill-workers implied a sign tense in a manner that something was going to happen. First, altitude towards the children strikers made her to perceive a negative attitude towards the police since there was no body to permit the parade and again the police began to suspect a crowd of workers who were holding the red banners.

Generally, mill owners made her attitude towards the strikers. Immediately, an excitement was all over the area and the police also began confused because they were not sure of the young men who were with the red flags. However, if they were to arrest, they could have arrested the students thus it resulted to be a bit tricky for them. Vorse account is credible and trustworthy because of the deal which was formed by the state of labor movement and she had found the awaiting people with banners on them.

 This was an indication of something which was going to happen in the children’s strikes: all sorts of people had gathered all over the place (Vorse 9). Ones who had come to meet the strikers were: the socialists and anarchists, the liberals, syndicalists and even the plain trade unions. Vorse’s account of credibility falls in whereby all the categories of people above mentioned sympathy towards the Lawrence strikers and were all blaming the textile united workers under the golden part which played part in Lawrence Strike.

Vorse’s Account in The New York Times

The children exodus during the strike in The New York Times is described similar to Vorse’s account in following: the workers were crowding over the areas and helping each other due to a certain flame of sympathy brought uniting of the groups together. Workers of New York were surrounded around the Lawrence stickers with the idea to prove that they were really the children who suffered homeless strike, as well as were being looked after by the workers (Vorse 9). The children exodus during the strike was a great adventure to them, and this led them to write so many documents of remembrance during the high spots strike from the workers, who took over for care and support.

The authors’ political stand in The New York Times was to call upon the militia to move out the strikers from the entrances of the mills. Their aim was to look for some of the mills’ masters in Lawrence and to come up with the new ideas of good policy. This policy was to help in making up the trade union movement to fight the new coming of revolutionary industrial union, which was to be formed. The account was trustworthy because it made new changes in the formation of the party which later became the great conservative in the country.

Political Stance of II Proletario

Political stance of II Proletario was different from that of the middle-class newspapers like The New York Times: it was firmly on the side of the workers and the IWW, which was the preunion of the II Proletario. During this time, there was a promise made of the confident statements of the safety for workers, and they wrote the governor Foss, which was ordered a delivery additional of the five State of Militia (Muth 7). His work duty was to hire the assassins to solve the problems of the government but not going to war. From this, they were interested in the corrupt men and could shoot and slash the defenseless men, women and finally children in the case of strikes.

II Proletario’s position of the children’s exodus differs from Vorse’s account because The New York Times supported the militia job which allowed the workers to enter in the mills in a safe way. They were not having any interest to disburse the cloud of the strikers (Muth 8). The New York Times explained that force was used in women and children who were roughly handled by the strikers when they were told to go and work. The attitude was credible since the workers and strikers were able to make their way through the militia and the factory windows. Moreover, the women advanced their positions in trying to meet the behaviors and orders, which were put in place.

Removal of Children from Lawrence

The removal of the children from Lawrence becomes a political act because of the effect, which led to the bond of the American Woolen Company where the women began investing the textile milling. It symbolized ethnicity and gender that revealed about the truth of workers which did not bring any change after the strike (Muth 9). From January up to March 1992, the information which came out revealed that more work places reforms developed, thus requiring the factories and mills’ owners make the working places good and secure for the employees’ labor.

The struggles of Massachusetts brought large federation regulation to the friendly working environments. Children were portrayed as politicized forasmuch as they were placed to the city where the leaders had agreed to take care of them. The act was feminine as well: they were taken care of as far as the basic need was concerned. The first group was sent to the train cities in New York having successfully gained the benefits, and this portrayed a positive situation.

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